This year’s Women’s March, set to happen on Saturday in cities across the country, has become extraordinarily messy. In 2017, the marches that took place in Washington and nationwide — the largest protests in American history — were radiant symbols of hope and resistance at a bleak, terrifying historical juncture. Two years later, the Women’s March organization has become a depressing study in how left-wing movements so often implode in the digital age.
Serious allegations of anti-Semitism have dogged some of the Women’s March’s leaders for over a year, but they’ve lately reached a crisis point. In December, Tablet Magazine published a 10,000-word article about anti-Jewish bigotry (as well as alleged financial mismanagement) among the Women’s March’s leadership. Many Jewish women have publicly agonized about joining this year’s demonstration.
Leaders of Women’s March Inc. — as the nonprofit organization is officially called — tried to make amends. It added three Jewish women to a steering committee. Two of the four national co-chairwomen of the Women’s March, Tamika Mallory and Linda Sarsour, met with a group of 13 rabbis, after which nine of them encouraged Jews to join this year’s demonstration. A third co-chairwoman, Carmen Perez, wrote a repentant column for the Jewish publication The Forward titled, “Jewish Women Should Join Us at the Women’s March, Despite Our Mistakes.”
[Listen to “The Argument” podcast every Thursday morning, with Ross Douthat, Michelle Goldberg and David Leonhardt.]
But on Monday, this apology tour hit a snag when Mallory appeared on the daytime talk show “The View” and refused to denounce the Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan, whom she once called “the GOAT,” or Greatest Of All Time. Last February, Mallory attended a Farrakhan rally where he railed against “satanic” Jews. During his speech, he gave a shout-out to Mallory and the Women’s March, and afterward, she posted positively about the event on social media. On “The View,” rather than disavowing Farrakhan, Mallory said only, “I don’t agree with many of Minister Farrakhan’s statements.”
Following that interview, the Democratic National Committee, which had been listed as a partner of the 2019 march, appeared to pull out. Several groups that have sponsored the march in the past, including Naral and the Southern Poverty Law Center, are also gone from its public list of backers. Local marches around the country have emphasized their independence from the national group. New York City will have two competing rallies.
Writers I admire have argued that there are good reasons that some black activists hesitate to disavow Farrakhan. Last March, the journalist Adam Serwer wrote in The Atlantic of the successful violence-prevention work that the Nation of Islam has done in impoverished black communities. Mallory told him how Nation of Islam women supported her when her son’s father was murdered in 2001. Serwer described a sense in some black communities that the Nation “is present for black people in America’s most deprived and segregated enclaves when the state itself is not present, to say nothing of those who demand its condemnation.”
Yet even if you’re willing to accept rationalizations for associating with an anti-Semite, the point of organizing is to build political power, and in that respect the leaders of the Women’s March have fallen short. They were put at the helm of a popular mass movement, and under their leadership it has alienated many supporters and become significantly more marginal.
The idea for a women’s march on Washington was born in viral Facebook posts that Bob Bland, one of the current co-chairwomen, and Teresa Shook, a retired lawyer in Hawaii, put up after the 2016 election. On social media, tens of thousands of women committed to travel to Washington before any logistical arrangements had been made. Some of the women making initial preparations realized it would be a disaster if the march seemed to be entirely by and for white women. So, at the suggestion of a celebrity-connected activist named Michael Skolnik, Mallory and Perez, both affiliated with Skolnik’s nonprofit, the Gathering for Justice, were recruited to help lead it. They, in turn, brought in Sarsour.
Mallory, Bland, Sarsour and Perez were part of a group that labored heroically to put the first Women’s March together in just 10 weeks. But there’s no reason to think that the millions of people who took to the streets that day saw any of them as their representatives, or would agree with the radical positions they’d go on to take.
The Women’s March ultimately faced a problem endemic to protest movements that organize spontaneously on the internet, going back to Occupy Wall Street. As Zeynep Tufekci argued in her 2017 book “Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest,” mass protest once required deep, sustained organizing, with all the compromise and human connection that entailed. Digital organizing makes much of that work obsolete. As a result, people are often left trying to create a movement after a high-profile action, rather than before it, without clear common goals or leaders who have broadly accepted legitimacy.
So while the Women’s March leaders failed in very particular ways, it’s not clear that anyone could have succeeded in their place. Two years ago they helped create something magnificent. The exhilarating energy of the 2017 march went on to fuel countless local Resistance groups that worked because they were organized face-to-face and had definable, practical aims. It’s painful to see the Women’s March fall apart now, but maybe it was always destined to be a moment instead of a movement.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.B:
【季】【月】【回】【到】【富】【府】，【清】【溪】【正】【坐】【在】【桌】【前】【等】【她】。 “【回】【来】【了】，【你】【喝】【粥】【吗】，【就】【是】【娘】【娘】【喝】【的】【那】【种】【养】【生】【粥】”【清】【溪】【道】。 【季】【月】【静】【静】【坐】【到】【清】【溪】【对】【面】。 “【你】【回】【来】【了】……【方】【才】【还】【寻】【思】【着】【你】【是】【不】【是】【不】【回】【来】【了】……” 【季】【月】【笑】【了】【笑】。 “【富】【永】【年】【怎】【么】【样】？” 【季】【月】【在】【怀】【里】【摸】【索】【小】【盒】【子】，【发】【现】【不】【见】【了】，【到】【书】【桌】【前】【拿】【笔】【纸】。 “【他】【挺】【好】【的】
【景】【宸】【觉】【得】【他】【们】【还】【是】【不】【要】【多】【管】【闲】【事】【的】【好】，【本】【想】【拒】【绝】，【可】【是】【小】【姑】【娘】【那】【模】【样】【他】【们】【也】【不】【好】【拒】【绝】，【于】【是】【又】【答】【应】【了】。 【轩】【辕】【引】【歌】【倒】【是】【不】【想】【去】【管】，【可】【惜】【事】【情】【就】【偏】【偏】【找】【上】【门】【来】。 【在】【村】【长】【家】【的】【后】【院】，【里】【人】【吃】【完】【晚】【饭】【就】【在】【那】【儿】【逛】【着】，【那】【里】【有】【一】【棵】【大】【树】，【大】【树】【上】【的】【叶】【子】【依】【旧】【十】【分】【繁】【茂】，【像】【是】【秋】【天】【都】【不】【曾】【落】【叶】【一】【般】，【这】【让】【轩】【辕】【引】【歌】【也】【觉】【得】【十】【分】快乐12开奖结果查询四川开奖号码【摘】【要】：“【我】【们】【想】【让】【远】【离】【农】【村】【的】‘【城】【里】【娃】’【在】【这】【里】【零】【距】【离】【体】【验】【现】【代】【农】【业】【和】【农】【耕】【文】【化】，【也】【让】【孩】【子】【们】【的】【爸】【爸】【妈】【妈】【在】【快】【节】【奏】【的】【都】【市】【生】【活】【中】【放】【松】【下】【来】。”
【魔】【物】【能】【抗】【火】，【却】【并】【非】【是】【不】【惧】【火】。 【天】【火】【终】【究】【还】【是】【天】【火】，【经】【由】【八】【盏】【炎】【神】【古】【灯】【释】【放】【出】【来】【的】【火】【焰】【威】【力】【极】【强】，【哪】【怕】【是】【这】【头】【来】【神】【秘】【的】【魔】【物】，【也】【不】【可】【能】【用】【肉】【身】【去】【硬】【抗】【天】【火】【之】【威】。 “【再】【出】【手】，【斩】【了】【这】【家】【伙】【的】【所】【有】【手】【臂】。”【方】【林】【对】【南】【宫】【守】【剑】【说】【道】。 【南】【宫】【守】【剑】【应】【了】【一】【声】，【手】【中】【竹】【影】【再】【度】【唿】【啸】【而】【出】，【青】【光】【弥】【漫】【之】【间】，【剑】【气】【纵】【横】【八】【方】。
【白】【皓】【雪】【说】【完】，【把】【手】【里】【的】【合】【约】【交】【给】【楚】【音】【儿】：“【楚】【姑】【娘】，【这】【些】【文】【件】【你】【先】【拿】【着】，【等】【我】【找】【到】【霁】【寒】【煜】【后】【再】【说】。” 【说】【完】，【白】【皓】【雪】【也】【不】【管】【楚】【音】【儿】【是】【什】【么】【表】【情】，【同】【意】【还】【是】【不】【同】【意】，【就】【立】【刻】【跑】【了】。 “【喂】……【你】……” 【楚】【音】【儿】【看】【到】【白】【皓】【雪】【跑】【的】【越】【来】【越】【远】，【没】【一】【会】【儿】【就】【不】【见】【的】【背】【影】，【只】【能】【无】【奈】【的】【叹】【口】【气】。 【楚】【音】【儿】【原】【本】【也】【打】【算】【打】【道】
“【怎】【么】【样】【和】【你】【爹】【爹】【玩】【的】【可】【开】【心】。”【纳】【兰】【幽】【若】【从】【夫】【君】【手】【里】【接】【过】【女】【儿】，【轻】【柔】【的】【问】。 【今】【日】【宗】【室】【的】【一】【位】【郡】【王】【大】【婚】，【恰】【好】【萧】【宸】【昊】【沐】【休】，【便】【带】【着】【女】【儿】【出】【宫】【去】【参】【加】【婚】【礼】【了】。 【本】【来】【他】【想】【带】【着】【妻】【子】【一】【块】【去】【的】，【可】【是】【被】【妻】【子】【拒】【绝】【了】，【他】【知】【道】【妻】【子】【不】【喜】【欢】【凑】【热】【闹】，【便】【只】【带】【了】【女】【儿】。 【君】【惜】【笑】【眯】【眯】【的】【看】【着】【母】【后】“【开】【心】【新】【娘】【子】【可】【漂】【亮】【了】，【不】